IMPROVEMENTS IN THE PROCESS OF RECOGNITION
Collectivization of the Process
of Recognition. The preceding criticism of the declaratory view of recognition
does not imply that the present position under which existing States in
compliance with a legal duty fulfill the function of recognition with a
constitutive effect, is satisfactory and that it ought to be perpetuated. It is
true that an acknowledged and decisive infusion of the element of national
interest has not been a typical feature of the process of recognition. But, as
has been shown,0 6 the exceptions are frequent and disquieting. Neither is it
possible to ignore the political implications and repercussions of the process
of recognition, even when it takes place in the fulfillment of a duty owed to
international society and to the community in question. The dual position of
the recognizing State as an organ administering international law and as a
guardian of its own interest must reveal itself in a disturbing fashion
whenever there is an occasion for successfully using the weapon of recognition
for the purpose of achieving political advantages. Situations will arise in
which a State may see in the manner of the exercise of the function of
recognition an opportunity for securing for itself benefits from the parent
State or from the community claiming recognition. Consideration of such
benefits cannot be regarded as legitimate, but it cannot always be absent in
the decision of the recognizing State. It would be futile to deny either the
existence of the difficulty or the fact that it is due to an obvious imperfection
of international organization. The solution of that difficulty would seem to
lie in transferring that function to an international organ not laboring under
the conflict between interest and duty. An innovation of this nature would also
abolish the glaring anomaly of a community existing as a State in relation to
some but not to other States
Collectivization of the process
of recognition depends clearly upon a high degree of political integration of
the international community in the form of an international organization of
States. Recognition of States, though consisting in the application of a legal
principle and in the ascertainment of the existence of conditions of statehood
as laid down by international law, could and probably ought to be placed, in
view of its political implications, within the competence of the highest
executive and legislative organs. The thorough collectivization of recognition
in this way would be possible only if the international organization were both
universal and compulsory, that is, an organization to which by a sovereign act
of international legislation all States would be made to adhere and from which
there could be neither withdrawal nor expulsion. An international organization
which is not universal would make possible the collectivization of recognition
only in the mutual relations of its members, though, politically, the authority
of such recognition would extend outside the scope of its membership. In a
universal international organization on a compulsory basis recognition by an
appropriate majority of its highest organs corresponding to the Council or
Assembly of the League of Nations would automatically involve membership. In an
international organization which is not universal or in which membership is voluntary,
admission by the competent organ would automatically involve recognition by all
the members of the organization. The position would have to be made clear by a
constitutional provision lifting the fact of automatic recognition above the
uncertainty and the controversy with which it was surrounded in the Covenant of
the League of Nations. Development in the direction of collectivization of
recognition may be facilitated by the realization that instances of collective
recognition are not absent from international practice-to mention only the
cases of recognition of Greece by the Treaty of London of 1830, of Belgium by the
Treaty of London of 1831, of the German Empire by the Protocol of London of
1871, of the Balkan States by the Berlin Treaty of 1878, of the Congo State by
the Berlin Treaty of 1885, of the creation of Albania by the Treaty of London
of 1913 as well as the recognition of her independence by the Conference of
Ambassadors in 1921, and the various instances of collective recognition of new
States by the Allied Powers after the War of 1914-1918.' Moreover, diplomatic
practice shows that, as in the case of recognition of governments, recognition
of States, even when granted separately, is often preceded by negotiations
aimed at establishing a common line of action. The attempts made by Great
Britain to secure at the Congress of Verona joint action with other European
Powers in the matter of the recognition of the Latin-American States, as well
as the attempts of the United States to secure the cobperation of Great Britain
in the same matter, may be mentioned as examples.
International Courts as Agencies
of Recognition. It is not believed that a promising avenue of progress would
lie in conferring upon the highest international judicial authority the power
to grant recognition on the application of the community claiming it. On the
face of it, this would seem to be the natural course. It would appear that a
function consisting in the application of international law and in the
ascertainment of the existence of requisite conditions of fact may and ought
properly to be fulfilled by a judicial organ of the highest authority and
impartiality. There is no doubt that so far as its Statute, including the rules
of law applicable thereunder, is concerned, the Permanent Court of
International Justice would be in a position to act in that capacity. Yet it
seems undesirable to burden the Court with a task whose implications and the
circumstances of whose performance are of capital political significance. This applies
in particular to cases where the question of recognition of States arises in
connection with a revolt against and secession from the parent State. For these
reasons it is, from the practical point of view, more appropriate that this
particular function of applying the law should be performed not by the
judicial, but by the highest executive or legislative organs of the
international community. The Court might still make
a useful contribution in
pronouncing by way of advisory opinions or in a similar capacity on any
questions of law incidental to recognition. Neither do objections apply to the
ability and the propriety of the Court's giving redress in the form of
compensation for injury actually suffered for arbitrary delay of recognition by
one State in face of practically universal recognition by other States. In this
connection the claim of the United States in the case of the Bergen Prizes, a
case of non-recognition of belligerency, is of some interest."'
Municipal Courts and the Function
of Recognition. The foregoing considerations explain also why no amelioration
of the present position can be expected from transferring the function of
recognition to municipal courts as distinguished from the executive organs of
the State. Moreover, the possibility must be envisaged of different tribunals
of the same State reaching different conclusions as to the existence of the
requirements of statehood in any given case. In addition, the contingency would
still remain of the courts of various countries arriving at divergent views on
the matter
It is convenient in this
connection to consider the criticism which has been levelled against two
principles-one of a procedural, the other of a substantive nature-obtaining in
Great Britain and in the United States, as well as in other States in the
matter of recognition. The procedural rule of unchallenged authority is that in
the matter of recognition as on other questions relating to foreign affairs,
the position taken up by the executive department of government is of decisive
weight. The question whether a foreign community exists as a State in the
contemplation of international law is answered by the courts in strict
relianceupon the statement of the Executive informing the court whether and to
what extent recognition has been granted. The practical justification of that
procedural principle is that it would be inconvenient for the State and its
neighbors if its various organs were to assume divergent positions in the
matter of its external relations."' It is proper that courts
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